| Marcus Raskin's |
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"
It is becoming too
evident that, so far as a vicious, imbecile, demoralized Administration
possesses power, the hideous horrors of civil war are about to be forced
upon the country…The popular sentiment is everywhere peaceful, and the
time cannot be distant when the shameful manner in which Mr. Lincoln and
his cabinet are sacrificing the welfare of the land, and betraying its
most sacred interests, will call forth an outbreak of indignation before
which even the Republican fanaticism and intolerance will tremble."
(New York Herald; April 9, 1861.) "Lincoln
alone harmonizes in himself all those qualities which are essential to a
representation of average Yankeeism.
He has no education beyond of the common schools and the attorneys;
office, and is rich in moral and immoral features which distinguish the
genuine son of the puritan from the rest of mankind.
He is shrewd, energetic, shallow, cunning, selfish, egotistical,
hardhearted, vulgar, hypocritical and fanatical."
(Richmond Dispatch; April 7,
1864.) "
If Mr. Lincoln had
guarded Constitution and Law, exhibiting to rebels and to the world the
grandeur of a free people observing their own laws, while they enacted
obedience from others; if he had offered to the rebels in arms the firm,
unsullied strength of the constitution as the measure of their duty and
his requirements.
We might have expected to see them turn to it with longing after a
vain experiment of war.
Instead of that, hew crushed down the North to obedience of his own
will, and then demanded of the South submission to the same will,
enunciated in autocratic proclamations."
(“Mr. Lincoln’s
Arbitrary Arrests”) "The
causes of the ill success of the Union Armies hitherto may be summed up
under the following heads…including incompetency of those in authority,
especially the president of the United States, who, as many of his
original friends now admit, has neither the judgement, decision or courage
which the crisis of the country requires in its chief magistrate; yet,
endowed with a vanity and obstinacy, which, at the same time, make hi the
victim of flatterers, and bind him to the lessons of experience.
He is totally unaware that instead of being the idol of the nation,
he is supported by intelligent men of his own party merely as a choice of
evils."
(Letters Exposing the Mismanagement of Public Affairs by Abraham Lincoln
and the Political Combinations to Secure his Re-election; Amos
Kendall, 1864.) "The
“Railsplitter” had evidently taken it into his head that he could
manage the war better than any of the educated soldiers, and his vanity in
that respect was flattered by the envious officers and radical
Abolitionists who wished to get rid of General McClellan, be the
consequences what they might." (“Letters Exposing the Mismanagement of Public Affairs”) "The
military campaigns of this year have unquestionably been planned more with
a view of saving the party in power than of saving the Union… Our
Federal Union is in more danger this day from Abraham Lincoln and the
unprincipled and fanatical faction to whom he has surrendered himself,
soul and body, than from all other causes combined." (“Letters
Exposing the Mismanagement of Public Affairs”) "One
night, last week, I had a dream, "Mr.
Lincoln stands six feet twelve in his socks, which he changes once every
ten days.
His anatomy is composed mostly of bones, and when walking he
resembles the offspring of a happy marriage between a derrick and a
windmill.
When speaking he reminds one of the old signal-telegraph that used
to stand on Staten Island.
His head is shaped something like a ruta-bago and his complexion is
that of a Saratoga trunk."
(Only
Authentic Life of Abraham Lincoln, Alias “Old Abe”
J.C. Haney and Co. Publishers and Booksellers, 1866(?)) "It
would require volumes to give even an outline of the myriad causes of
pecuniary fraud and corruption which have marked the track of the present
Federal Administration since its advent to power.
If it were possible to group together all the monstrous frauds,
presided over by Mr. Lincoln as Chief Executive, it would be still
impossible for the mind to grasp and realize their enormity."
(Corruptions and Frauds of
Lincoln’s Administration. Democrtic National Committee, 1864.) "He
travels only in the circle of shameless and polluted partisans, who can be
bribed by chances of plunder, to abstain from just and loyal rebuke of his
untold acts of folly and crime.
If a man is known by the company he keeps, Mr. Lincoln’s real
character ought to deter honorable men, of all political parties, from
giving countenance and support to his impudent pretensions for a
re-election." (Corruptions and Frauds of
Lincoln’s Administration.) "[Lincoln]
showed by his rhetorical feats that he lacked depth and thoroughness,
seriousness of mind, creative methods and sharp, logical thinking –
qualities by which his rival is so eminently distinguished.
Just imagine a would-be statesman who dresses his speeches with the
most appalling platitudes, who juggles worn-out, cliché phrases, and
indulges in corny little puns – a man who sanctimoniously uses Bible
quotations instead of arguments and instead of appealing to the
intelligence of his listeners, merely tries to entertain them by making
them laugh." (As quoted from NY
Staats Zeitung, September 4, 1858, in Henry
Villard Papers . “Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858 Forced New Role on
Press”, Journalism Quarterly,
Winter 1979,
p743.) Quotes compiled by Sushila Nayak. Thanks to Alex Sushkov for his transcription help. |
ABRAHAM
LINCOLN Modern historians have sought to psychoanalyze past American leaders. In the 20th century, Abraham Lincoln, a very tall man who could hardly fit on a therapist's couch, has been dissected variously as power mad with a Napoleon complex, a latent homosexual, a brain damaged man as a result of being kicked in the head at the age of nine by a horse, and a neurotic with profound tendencies for avoidance. Whether any of these diagnoses has any validity is beside the point. On the other hand, there is a political reality which cannot be denied. There is no question of the effect that Lincoln had on the direction the American people would take as a result of his presidency. When he became president, there were several interconnected questions which had heated up and simmered from one president to another since the beginning of the United States. They were the issues of slavery, states rights, the doctrine of nullification wherein a federal law need not be enforced by a state if it was found obnoxious to its customs, and American territorial expansion. Perhaps it is not by accident that this same set of questions is raised again at the end of the twentieth century for the United States. Was the United States merely a conglomeration of states or was it to be one nation with "liberty and justice for all?" Whether by design or historical happenstance, Abraham Lincoln ended his life with answers to these questions. One question was answered by making clear that no state had a right of secession and that the Confederacy by its very name showed that it had no support in the words of the Constitution, for a confederacy fit with an articles of confederation, not a constitution as originally adopted. The rejection of states rights resulted in a civil war. Abraham Lincoln's election served as the sign to Southern states that there was no place in the Union for their views. The election of Abraham Lincoln, the Republican principle that slavery was not to be extended into the territories not yet states, and the fateful decision of Lincoln to re-supply Fort Sumter at Charleston South Carolina, a step taken without the agreement or participation of Congress, meant that the course was set for war. As a general rule, civil wars often are more brutal than wars between nations. And the American civil war was no exception. It cost the lives of a million people and 20 billion in treasure. The consequence of the war in geopolitical terms was unmistakable; the United States would not tolerate another nation on this continent competing with it. Canada and the broken Mexico were sufficient. In his fateful Gettysburg address, Lincoln made clear that it was the nation which was critical element, not the several states. This idea set in motion a whole new meaning of what it meant to be an American. Lincoln meant to define nationhood and sovereignty in much the way 19th century nationalism was understood in Europe; as a unifier of different local cultures and an instrument to increase markets. Nationalism was meant to escape locality and open the nation to a new set of general laws through commerce, common symbols and national laws. The second question which Lincoln answered concerned slavery and the dignity of the person. Much has been written about the tentativeness of Lincoln with regard to slavery. And it is true that he was no abolitionist and most likely retained powerful racist tendencies. But it is also true that he understood, as no president of the 19th century except John Quincy Adams, that slavery had to go. And by the time of his assassination a significant first step against slavery had been taken. It was not a complete step, for Lincoln's plan of moderation to the Southern white power structure was to welcome back into the Union the rebel states as states without provision for the four million slaves who were torn asunder from their own moorings. This meant that the antebellum southern power structure could then reemerge in time after Reconstruction. After relieving General McClellan for being too passive, Lincoln as wartime president encouraged Grant and Sherman to fight a total war giving no quarter. However, after the war, Lincoln shrank from the radical republican program of treating the Southern states as a land to be occupied and a social system to be remade. While wars are used by leaders to quiet internal factionalism, this strategy did not work in the North for Lincoln, who was met with every manner of abuse. In his time Lincoln was reviled as a murderer, a baboon, and traitor. Opponents claimed that he was a destroyer of the Constitution and dismissed as cant his claim that he had powers as president to faithfully execute the laws of the United States which the southern states had violated by withdrawing from the union. Some politicians and journalists wrote, hoped and prayed for his assassination. As one historian put it, the words used against him in the press and by politicians were in many significant ways similar to the words used by the adversaries of Adolf Hitler. Abraham Lincoln's background and childhood encapsulated the struggles and the migrant character of American life on the frontier. His life was a symbol of frontier struggle. Born in Kentucky and raised in Indiana and Illinois of poor parents who moved to places where they hoped that they might earn a living, Lincoln knew hardship and reflected the lives of people who did not know whether they would survive from one year to the next. Lincoln came to be identified with the log cabin tradition in politics which, since Andrew Jackson retains an important hold on the populace. While other nations have developed children's stories around princes and princesses who were denied their rightful place in the castle because of a cruel stepmother or father, in the United States the myth since Andrew Jackson is of making it, starting in a log cabin or its counterpart and then reaching prominence and earthly success. These are thought to be the just reward for hard work. While Lincoln later adopted the philosophy of the Whigs, his own early history was far away from the world of the Whig leader, John Quincy Adams. He did not have private tutors or attend special academies. His was not the world of the proper Bostonians or the learned ministers of Cambridge and Princeton. On the other hand, he was clearly intellectually very gifted, and though he had but a year of formal schooling prided himself on reading the masters of literature, poetry, history and law. Like so many self taught men, of the period he put great stock in formal education, believing that somehow they had missed something by not attending college. As a young man Lincoln worked at many different tasks, from clerk to a rail-splitter and boatman moving cargo to and from New Orleans, where legend has it that he first saw slave auctions and decided that he would "hit hard" against it if he ever had a chance. His physical strength must have been very great but like other American presidents he suffered from depression. As a clerk he learned the art of conversation and story telling, a skill which stood him in good stead in politics. Like other successful politicians, and perhaps because of his familiarity with the techniques of the Bible, he was able to tell stories out of everyday life on the frontier which made a larger point. In 1832, at the age of 23, he decided to run for the state legislature. His platform is not without modern relevance. He urged internal improvements including digging wider canals as a means of getting food and livestock to markets, greater emphasis on education as a way for people to be better citizens, and control over usurious interest rates. He lost his race for state legislature seat coming in eighth out of a field of thirteen. While running for office he took some 80 days out to serve in the Blackhawk war where he found himself punished on two occasions. After his loss for the legislature, Lincoln tried his hand at business by becoming a partner in a general store. The business went badly and he ended up owing some 1100 dollars, an amount he referred to as the national debt. However, he paid it off over time. He was appointed postmaster by Andrew Jackson, but his sights were set on higher office and making a splash. He ran again for state legislature in 1834 and this time he won. In his first term, he met another young state legislator, Stephen A. Douglas who would follow Lincoln throughout his life. With the encouragement of another young legislator, John T. Stuart, and others, Lincoln decided to study law, which he did while undertaking different odd jobs in the community. He was admitted to the practice of law in 1836 while he continued his service in the state lagislature. Lincoln's voting record bears mention in one regard for it suggests the direction of his future political course. While he supported internal improvements he did not support a resolution which said that slaves were property and that the federal government had no business interfering in the states on the question of slavery. Lincoln voted against this resolution, but the resolution passed 77-6. He gave speeches against mob violence which resulted in killings and lynchings. But he was careful not to identify himself with the abolitionists. Lincoln served four terms in the state legislature where he made clear that his view of government was interventionist in terms of providing funds directly for internal improvements. Lincoln also sought his own improvement in terms of social class by marrying Mary Todd on November 4,1842. He described this event in a letter to fellow lawyers "Nothing new here, except my marrying, which, to me, is a matter of profound wonder." Mary Todd came from a rather distinguished local family with a "lineage." Abe and Mary had had a tempestuous relationship before marriage, perhaps because Mary Todd felt she was competing with Lincoln's love for a dead woman, Ann Rutledge, who had died leaving Lincoln in a state of shock and grief for years. Throughout this period, Lincoln continued to hone his skills as a lawyer. He moved from one partner to another until he settled with William Herndon, a man nine years younger than Lincoln. They retained a friendship throughout Lincoln's life. Herndon became an important biographer of Lincoln upon whom many future biographers depended. Before coming to Washington as a single term congressman to the 30th congress, Lincoln worked as a lawyer for a few railroad companies. Railroads in the 1840s were small scale affairs which had not yet begun the merger process that occurred after the civil war. His term in Congress appears to have been one of learning and making contacts. He came to see first-hand how the city of Washington was inundated with slavery and slave markets. In Congress, he made clear his opposition to the war with Mexico, a position which was favored by the Whigs but quite unpopular in his home state of Illinois. His opposition echoed that of Henry Clay, who stated that President James Polk's war with Mexico was not a war of defense, but a war of aggression. During that period, and indeed for much of American history, the assumption of leaders was that the American government only fought wars of defense, never aggression. That Lincoln and other Whigs spoke out forthrightly about the war was probably one of several factors, its ambiguous stand on slavery being the most important, which hastened the demise of the Whig party even though the Whigs chose General Zachary Taylor, the hero of the Mexican war as their successful candidate for president. There is little doubt that Lincoln was bitten by "Potomac fever," but as a result of a deal with local political leaders Lincoln had agreed not to run for re-election. Once back in Illinois, he sought various avenues to return to Washington in a public capacity. He recommended various friends to posts in Washington but had little success as a political broker. He was offered a territorial governorship of Oregon by the new Whig president, General Zachary Taylor. However, he refused the offer and stayed on in Illinois where he watched national politics from afar and generally agreed with the positions taken by Henry Clay, who worked out an agreement of "moderation" that banned slave auctions in the District of Columbia, California was to enter the union and New Mexico and Utah had the right of choice about slavery prior to coming into the union. The compromise gave the federal courts jurisdiction over runaway slaves which meant that the South could expect that the federal government would enforce federal law against states that gave protection and freedom to slaves. Lincoln, who in the 1850s had become a successful railroad lawyer, came back into active politics as a result of Stephen Douglas, the Senator from Illinois who pressed for the Kansas -Nebraska act, reopening the issue of slavery by allowing states to choose whether they wanted to have slaves. Douglas's position on slavery was racist and beginning to be out of step with the immediate future. He said that in a choice between a white and black man he would always choose the white man. But in the choice between a black man and a crocodile he would choose a Black man. Lincoln at least professed horror over slavery, stating that the founding fathers had intentioned to gradually eradicate slavery from the United States and that while he abhorred it he found no way other than the gradual emancipation of Blacks from their servitude. Those states he said, that had slavery, could not extend it but they could keep it until it died off. He had wanted to run for the Senate in 1854, but he did not get the support of the radicals. This attitude changed in 1856 when he sought ways to work with the abolitionists from his own more moderate position. At first, he reluctantly supported James Fremont, an unbending abolitionist, for president. Southern politicians said that if Fremont won, the Southern states would leave the Union. And it was here in his defense of Fremont and his retort to the Southerners in 1856 that the shadow of the future could be discerned. Lincoln said at Galena, Illinois," we don't want to dissolve it, (the union), and if you attempt it we won't let you....With the purse and the sword. . . the army and navy and treasury in our hands and at our command, you couldn't do it...." Fremont lost to Buchanan, and almost immediately after Buchanan was sworn in as President the entire issue of slavery burst forth with full vengeance as Chief Justice Roger Taney spoke for a 5 to 4 majority of the Supreme Court saying that Blacks were property and not citizens, and therefore had no rights. The decision went further and concluded that the Constitution guaranteed citizens the rights of property and therefore Congress could not abolish slavery north of 36°30', as it attempted to do in the Missouri Compromise. Abolitionists were appalled, but others opponents of the decision also disagreed on three grounds:
In 1858, Abraham Lincoln challenged Stephen Douglas for the Senate seat from Illinois. It was the slavery issue which was uppermost in everyone's mind; the question was how each man would present his views. In a set of extraordinary debates and speeches, the "little giant" and "the railsplitter" spoke before tens of thousands of people throughout Illinois. It was in these debates that both Lincoln and Douglas formulated their positions. Both agreed that the union had to be protected. The difference was that Lincoln said slavery was morally wrong, whereas Douglas did not see slavery as a moral problem, but more as a nuisance or distraction. Douglas ended up winning the Senate seat, but Lincoln had now become nationally known as a result of the debates. Even though he lost his bid for the Senate, Lincoln found that he was still being considered by influential members of the Republican party as its presidential candidate in 1860. After a triumphant tour on the East coast where he supported free rather than slave labor and praised the idea of opportunity to rise above one's economic station in life, Lincoln had positioned himself for the presidential nomination. In a riotous convention the still relatively unknown and untested Lincoln was nominated over William Seward. In the general election Lincoln faced a divided Democratic party which split apart and sponsored rival candidates including Stephen Douglas, who ended up being distrusted in the South and North. While outpolling the other candidates it was in the electoral college that the vote was strongly in favor of Lincoln over his opponents, Bell, Breckinridge and Douglas. Only Breckinridge's party (and not necessarily Breckinridge) moved towards secession. After Lincoln's election, Douglas supported Lincoln's attempts to keep the Southern states in the union by reiterating Lincoln's position that he would leave slavery in its place where it was but it could not be extended to the territories. |
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